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18 Akçam contends that, along with the CUP’s responsible secretaries, CUP member Bahaettin Şakir himself also “traveled around the easte provinces and met with the goveors, sub-goveors and other persons” and “informed them of the [genocide] decision of the CUP’s Central Committee” (p.

Unfortunately, this is one of the many instances in the book where facts are confused by Akçam’s gloss. The memoir of Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın, which Akcam cites as his source, does not mention any decision by the CUP Central Committee at all, but relates that Bahaettin Şakir seemed to “have traveled around the easte provinces and met with the goveors, sub-goveors and other persons, and, by exceeding the limits of his authority, presented his personal thoughts as if they were the decision and the wish of the CUP and Often you’re hunting for go back to or investigate document dissertation service write my dissertation for me whether you’re seeking out curriculum vitae or investigate dissertation writing the Central Committe” 19 (italics added). Akçam also cites passages from several sources in order to demonstrate the direct responsibility of state officials in the killings, but these are used selectively.

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He leaves out information in the sources that does not coincide with his thesis. For instance, he quotes from a speech made by Mehmet Emin Bey, the deputy for Trabzon, during the discussions in the Ottoman Parliament in which Mehmet Emin states that he personally witnessed that the prefect of Ordu “loaded a boat with the Armenians on the pretext of sending them to Samsun, and then had them tipped into the sea” (p. Akçam then goes on to quote Mehmet Emin Bey’s subsequent remarks but omits a relevant part: “As soon as I arrived here [İstanbul] I told what I witnessed to the minister of the interior [Talat Pasha]. Thereafter, they sent an inspector and dismissed the prefect [of Ordu].

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They put him on trial. ” 20 Akçam asserts that the Ottoman Interior Ministry remained unmoved by the news of the Armenian massacres (p.

He further believes that these were written merely to placate foreign ambassadors. Akçam’s arguments are not always convincing, however. For example, upon receiving the news that a convoy of 500 Armenians who had departed from Erzurum was attacked and massacred, Talat Pasha dispatched a telegram, dated June 14, 1915, stating that every measure should be taken “to protect the Armenians against the assault of the tribes and villagers, and to punish those who dare to kill and abduct them. ” After quoting this text from the telegram, Akçam dismisses it as a “sham” and argues that “there is enough evidence” to show that “Talat wrote the telegram in question under the pressure of the German Embassy” (pp.

Akçam produces no such curious “evidence,” however. Instead he refers to a lengthy essay that actually contradicts his thesis. According to this essay, the Erzurum German consul’s telegram, which informed his embassy of the massacre, was sent on June 16, 1915 21 – two days after Talat had already sent his telegram. The lack of critical footnotes also weakens Akçam’s arguments.

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For instance, he claims that two Armenian deputies of the Ottoman Parliament, Krikor Zohrab and Vartkes Serengülyan, were killed on the order of Cemal Pasha, the commander of the 4 th Army, but fails to cite a source (p. More important, several other sources cited by Akçam such as Falih Rıfkı Atay’s account, attest to the contrary: that Cemal Pasha had actually tried to protect the two Armenian deputies.

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